A first life in the union, one second life in politics. To bind both of them, an all-Abruzzo tenacity and the cadenced step of the Alpine. Franco Marini he left us only three months ago. However sufficient time to Giorgio Merlo, journalist and blogger, to dedicate an accurate and compelling biography (“Franco Marini, the Popular“Editions Work, 120 pp. € 15, preface by Anna Maria Furlan and introduction of Gerardo Bianco) which reconnects the essential phases of the trade union-political commitment ofex-president of the Senate through the thread of a vision coherently inspired by the social doctrine of Church. A personality as little explored as it is very interesting, that of Marini. Of the Cisl, the Catholic union, is already a protagonist when the social tensions culminated in the so-called “warm autumn“Of 1969 will lead the following year to the approval of the Statute of the Workers.
Marini, an anomalous Christian Democrat
The decade ushered in by that reform it will coincide with the most controversial season of the Italian union. Those are the years in which it is there Triple (CGIL, CISL and UIL) to dictate the political agenda to government. But they are also the years in which the Pci conquers increasing shares of the electorate until it reaches a glue from the mid-decade Dc. The theme ofautonomy of the battles for the work from disputes ideological o relating to government structures, at that time acquired more and more space and even more legitimacy. Among his most convinced supporters – says Merlo – there is also the cislino Marini, courageous temperament, rough and sanguine and therefore anomalous in the plush world Christian Democrat. Marini belongs to you, but in its own way. From the trade union experience he takes the passion fororganization. A vocation that the author emphasizes to the point of making the debate on form-party a sort of parallel thread of the book.
Enemy of the class struggle
In the DC, Marini adheres to New Forces, the current of Carlo Donat Cattin and that he himself will lead after the death of the founder. More than a trade unionist, Marini is an ancient tribune of the plebs. He believes in the upward motion (today it is called the social elevator) of the popular classes. For him, democracy or it is social or is doomed to failure. But the’elevation of the humblest and most needy classes – and this is an indispensable cornerstone of Catholic syndicalism like of that national – is the objective pursued by purifying the social conflict from its miasma miasma classists. «Without the popular classes – writes the author, quoting a passage from Marini’s final report at the conference in New Forces of September ’92 a St. Vincent – the institutions they would not be able to perceive moods, aspirations, needs and values that contribute to making them vital and functioning ».
In 1992 the electoral challenge with Sbardella
A few months earlier, the tribune had crossed the finish line of the election to the Parliament resulting the most voted in Italy. It even beat Vittorio Sbardella, it Shark, despite being free to roam the mare magnum preferences Andreottian, now released after the appointment of Divo Giulio to senator for life. A popular success that convinces Mino Martinazzoli to put him in charge of the organization. 1992 is a crucial year for Italian politics and democracy. The pool Milanese of “Clean hands“Is already in business and within two years their investigation into Tangentopoli will overwhelm what’s left of the Republic of parties, starting with the DC and the Psi. As a trade unionist lent to politics, in the new Bipolar Italy dell’“either here or there”, It is quite natural for Marini to take sides with left. But even in this case – and Merlo highlights it with particular force – in his own way.
Da Marini “inheritance, but not heirs”
That it was the Ppi or of the Margherita, it was his obsession to preserve the concreteness of the external forms of politics: party headquarters, organization and militants in flesh and blood. “He believed in the alliance ofolive is in the Pd, but he did not believe in forms tending to liquid assetsIs the testimony of Pier Luigi Thatstagnetti collected by the author. Left, he told himself, but in his own way. Biased, but not factious, uncompromising on principles without ever shying away from confrontation and a man of balance even in the most red-hot phases ofantiberlusconismo, the trade unionist lent to politics had all the cards to aspire to end his career as a tribune and politician on the Colle higher. It seemed done, but it missed the mark in a climate poisoned with accusations and suspicions never cleared up. At the end of his book, Merlo writes that Marini «leaves a rich woman heredity, but without heirs ». Not necessarily a bad thing if we consider that often the only activity in which the latter excel is in dissipation of the first. Especially in politics.