Instructions to never trust Di Maio or the harassers of democracy

Instructions to never trust Di Maio or the harassers of democracy
Instructions to never trust Di Maio or the harassers of democracy

That bronze face of Luigi Di Maio applauded Draghi, Mattarella and Macron at the Quirinale with a passion that for intensity and passion recalled that paid by certain current anti-Enzian leaders of the Democratic Party when Renzi was secretary. Yesterday, at the Festa del Foglio, Di Maio also greeted the bewildered readers of the newspaper that belonged to Giuliano Ferrara as if he were an old leafy, a genuine guarantor, a veteran of a thousand battles for just justice, for the rule of law and against the media pillory.

Di Maio was until yesterday the leader of an anti-political and anti-democratic movement chosen by Casaleggio senior to undermine republican institutions, mutilate Parliament and replace public discourse with algorithms trained by artificial foolishness.

For this reason, in Di Maio’s metaverse it is normal to ask for Mario Draghi’s exit from the euro managed, to invoke the impeachment of Sergio Mattarella and to support the fiers garçons in yellow vests who stormed the buildings of the French Republic by Emmanuel Macron , and then applaud without a shred of decency Draghi, Mattarella and Macron and support Draghi again at Palazzo Chigi, Mattarella again at the Quirinale and give indications to vote for Macron at the Elysée.

Di Maio’s world is the same metaverse in which until a couple of years ago he sought strategic alliances with the most extremist parties in Europe, let’s say fascists, and to join the national-sovereign family in the Brussels Parliament, with Nigel Farage and the Brexit separatists, and now he is thinking of going hand in hand with the socialists.

Di Maio’s ease and his impermeability to indecency are such as to leave no doubts to those who judge the ideologically respectable turnaround, however, as a positive fact, as proof of a great capacity for growth, as an example of political maturity.

Fortunately, there are also those who are not convinced that Di Maio is the case of the school of the civilized barbarian from the habits and customs of Roman politics. Among these is Linkiesta.

Di Maio is the same one who accused the Democratic Party of electroshocking children to take them away from natural families and then make money on family fostering, while now he wants to ally with the Democratic Party in Bibbiano, in Italy and in Europe. For this reason it is inexplicable how he can be considered a serious and conscientious politician rather than an opportunist sly who in the next round could be very ready to go back to cutting off ears, devastating the labor market and humiliating representative democracy.

The only thing I have always liked about Di Maio, however, does not speak in his favor: as minister of the second government, Conte let his staff spread tissue papers against the Prime Minister, in a bellicose challenge between the Cinquestelle communication offices. The activities to weaken Giuseppe Conte alone deserve a medal of civil valor, but they are not exactly a proof of reliability and righteousness if fought by the then political leader of the party that expressed Conte.

In short, it would be foolish to trust the narrative of a former digital male Di Maio who converted to caste privileges. On the other hand, it is more prudent to be wary of those who, like the host who advised the journalist Greta Beccaglia not to take it for the butt fingering received on live TV, want to convince the political system that one should not take it out on Di Maio because after all it is normal that has changed.

No thanks. Better to continue to blame those like Di Maio who have speculated on anti-politics fueling anger and resentment, and not stop denouncing the groping of civil rights, harassment of institutions and the rape of public debate carried out in these years of populism.

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