the quagmire of parties and Draghi’s paradox

the quagmire of parties and Draghi’s paradox
the quagmire of parties and Draghi’s paradox

Mario from here, Mario from there, Mario from above, Mario from below… Marioooo. Prime Minister Mario Draghi seems to have become the new Figaro. There are those who want it glued to the armchair of Palazzo Chigi, who instead at the Quirinale, who perhaps at NATO or at the presidency of the EU or who knows where else. It’s just not about cutting hair. A country needs to be put back on its feet and Italy seems to be able to express solo his.

Paolo Mieli in an article of 21 October hits one point. The insistence on Draghi amounts to a bitter confession on the part of the parties: that of not having quality political personnel. Instead of training new politicians – recruiting them is only apparently easier – they prefer Draghi, who endorses and guarantees continuity. So in fact, in a paradox, Draghi from a stimulus of renewal becomes its cap. Here is all the genius of Italian transformism and the naive faith in political engineering. The history of the euro comes to mind.

The Italian accession to the single currency was supposed to be a stimulus for the country to comply with rules of greater efficiency. The intention was right, but Italy has turned it upside down: the euro has become the country’s supreme guarantee, which despite the “external constraint” has behaved in a more undisciplined way than ever. In this way, the risk of collapsing the euro gave others the responsibility for the Italian mistakes, and therefore Rome was able to do as it wished.

At the time of a government in some ways similar to the current one, that of Carlo Azeglio Ciampi in 1993, we were in a different situation. The parties overwhelmed by Clean Hands and the international earthquake of the collapse of the USSR consciously took a step back to make room for an executive of technicians only. But then the parties were still there, they had strong cultural personalities, and they were aware of the crisis; they took a break with Ciampi, supported him, to immediately resume politics.

Today it is different. The parties are frayed, the personalities that guide them are without cultural depth. They had to accept EU Commissioner Draghi, but they did nothing more. In fact, they preside over the government and try to keep their spaces.

Draghi’s initial strength was not to enter politics, parties, apparatuses. In this situation, however, if Draghi does not promote a new quality of administrative and political personnel, the decline of the country is sanctioned. The parties have no interest in helping him in this, because they want to continue as they have done so far: to legitimize their mediocrity. The bureaucracy does the same thing, because its survival comes first. So how does it come out?

The stay of Draghi, who takes the responsibilities of others on his shoulders, and does not point the finger at moribund parties and bureaucracies, effectively marks the end of politics. There is no project that is opposed to another project, for example “we develop the South to be the center of the Mediterranean” or “we aim to be Russia’s platform in Europe”. They are two alternative projects that could each have merits and impose different directions and choices. The country should discuss and understand what it wants in the long run.

Instead now there is only “conscience and common sense”, which is opposed to “bungling infantilism”. Sure, common sense is better, but stress that the rest is just a mess. So, on the one hand, Figaro-Mario is no longer enough, because the parties’ madnesses have led the government to act as expected, as if there were no super-Draghi, that is, to present the budget to the EU beyond the October 15 limit. Eventually Draghi thumped his fist on the table and left the parties behind.

On the other hand, everything that is not Draghi is below. Draghi cannot be everything – president of the Republic, of the Council, of the EU, etc. – and whoever will take the place he non will assume, it will be less than him, because he is the first choice.

It is the notarial stamp of the existing void, the seal on the unconsciousness of the situation, which remains dramatic.

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