Alberto Di Majo
July 11, 2021
Giuseppe Conte is playing a game that risks nullifying the fifteen-year journey with which Beppe Grillo, Gianroberto Casaleggio and thousands of activists have built a political entity that, at least in intentions, was to be a vehicle that would have brought competent and animated people to the institutions. from the common good. Now the scenario has changed: the M5S is torn apart by two opposing visions.
On the one hand, there is Beppe Grillo who wants to continue to have the last word on the decisions of what he once called “not party”, also because with the death of Gianroberto, the visionary manager who invented the second technological life and politics – of the comedian, his role has inevitably become decisive although in the past he has given the idea of wanting to return to being a full-time actor. On the other hand, however, there is Giuseppe Conte, the former premier who came out of the top hat of the former minister Bonafede.
He has never been a 5-star but when the then political leader Luigi Di Maio asked him to be part of a possible government of the MoVimento he said yes. Events led him to Palazzo Chigi. After being deposed by Matteo Renzi’s refined unscrupulousness, he would like to return to the scene but building his own party would be a leap into the void: the polls continue to show the appreciation of Italians for the “people’s advocate” (first clever definition invented by Pietro Dettori) but, considering that the elections could take place in almost two years, the operation seems very difficult. So the former prime minister aims to lead what remains of the Movement but with “full powers”.
This is why he built a new statute, without confronting anyone, which assigns to the boss (that is to him), ratified by a vote of the members, the right to lead the 5 Stars, leaving a symbolic role to Grillo. This is what so many alleged Silvio Berlusconi’s dolphins have tried to do for at least fifteen years, without obtaining anything other than leaving the party. Conte’s choice therefore risks dividing the MSS but, politically, it has the flavor of a masochistic maneuver. How can one think of leading the party that had among its mantras that “the leader does not exist, the Movement is the leader”, that same party that has always refused seats, cards, managers, electoral reimbursements, transforming it into a political subject twentieth century style? It is here that the former prime minister shows his extraneousness to the roots of the 5 stars but also his political myopia, which risks sending even his loyalists into a tailspin.
The Movement, which grew too quickly and still full of different beliefs and ideological origins, became the first Italian party after the 2013 and 2018 elections, could never become a small DC (10-15%) with a majority that look left. But this is only the first fallacy of the former prime minister’s political vision. The second is his contrast with Mario Draghi, which makes him even weaker, even in the eyes of those who support him. The criticisms of the Cartabia reform become a boomerang for Conte, considering that the agreement on those rules has been reached by the ministers Di Maio and Patuanelli (the latter sided with the people’s advocate).
Another lightness of the former premier, who believes he can speak to activists and keepers of the original spirit of the Movement. Marco Travaglio can do it. Not with you. Meanwhile Grillo picks up the phone and talks to Draghi (a fact revealed by iffattoquotidiano.it and not denied by Palazzo Chigi). Here, then, is the double game of Conte: against the comedian and against the premier. But the Draghi-Grillo axis puts him offside. In the (personal) match of the former premier, full of lightness and moved more by the spirit of revenge, nourished by the polls rather than by the orientation of the pentastellated voters, he risks losing the Movement. Above all, they risk paying the “grillini” (not even Beppe liked that they called them that) who on Sundays delivered ivolantini aibanchetti in Italian cities, when traditional politicians were still “zombies” and one was worth one.